Holman Bible Dictionary
(hi uhr ahp' oh lihss) Place name meaning, “sacred city.” Site of early church where Epaphras worked (Colossians 4:13 ). Nothing else is known of the church. The city was twelve miles northwest of Colossae and six miles north of Laodicea on the Lycus River a short way above its junction with the Meander River. It is now called Pambuck Kulasi. Its fame rested on textile and cloth dyeing industries. It began as a center for worship of the Phrygian mother goddess. A large Jewish community is evidenced by grave inscriptions and other literary remains.
Easton's Bible Dictionary
Sacred city, a city of Phrygia, where was a Christian church under the care of Epaphras (Colossians 4:12,13 ). This church was founded at the same time as that of Colosse. It now bears the name of Pambuk-Kalek, i.e., "Cotton Castle", from the white appearance of the cliffs at the base of which the ruins are found.
Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible
HIERAPOLIS (‘holy city’) is mentioned in the Bible only in Colossians 4:13 , in association with the neighbouring towns Laodicea and ColossÃ¦. All three were situated in the valley of the Lycus, a tributary of the MÃ¦ander, in Phrygia, Hierapolis on the north side being about 6 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter. (The best map of this district is at p. 472 of Ramsay’s Church in the Roman Empire .) It probably belonged originally to the tribe HydrelitÃ¦, and derived its title from the medicinal hot springs there, which revealed plainly to the ancient mind the presence of a divinity. The water is strongly impregnated with alum, and the calcareous deposit which it forms explains the modern name Pambuk-Kalessi (Cotton Castle). Another sacred attribute of the city was a hole, about the circumference of a man’s body, from which noxious vapours issued: Strabo (in the time of Augustus) had seen sparrows stifled by them. The city owed all its importance in NT times to its religious character. It had not been visited by St. Paul, but derived its Christianity from his influence (cf. Acts 19:10 and Col.). Legend declares that the Apostles Philip and John preached there, and this appears trustworthy. The fight between native superstition and the enlightenment brought by Christianity must have been very bitter. The city remained important throughout the Empire, and was the birthplace of Epictetus, the Stoic.
Hitchcock's Bible Names
Hastings' Dictionary of the New Testament
Hierapolis was a city in the province of Asia, picturesquely situated on a broad terrace in the mountain range which skirts the N. side of the Lycus valley. On the S. side, 6 miles away, Laodicea was plainly visible, while Colossae lay hidden from view 12 miles to the S.E. Differing widely in history and character, these three cities were evangelized together soon after the middle of the 1st century. Hierapolis was probably an old Lydian city, but in the Roman period it was always regarded as Phrygian. A change in the spelling of the name is significant. While the older form-Hieropolis, the city of the hieron-limits the sanctity to the shrine, the later form-Hierapolis, the sacred city-conveys the idea that the whole place was holy.
In such an environment Christianity had to contend not merely with a superficial Hellenic culture, but with a deep-rooted native superstition. Politically of little account, Hierapolis was important as the home of an ancient Anatolian nature-worship, the cult of Leto and her son Sabazios. The striking physical phenomena of the place were clear indications to the primitive mind of the dreaded presence of a numen which required to be propitiated. The numerous hot streams tumbling down the side of the hill on which the city stood are strongly impregnated with alum, and the snow-white incrustations which cover the rocky terraces present the appearance of ‘an immense frozen cascade, the surface wavy, as of water in its headlong course suddenly petrified’ (R. Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor3, 1817, p. 287). From a hole in the ground-probably filled up by Christians after a.d. 320-there issued fumes of mephitic vapour, which seemed to come from Hades, so that the awe-inspiring spot was called the Plutonion or Charonion (Strabo xiii. iv. 4). On account of its marvellous hot springs-regarded as a divine gift-the city was associated with the medicinal art of aesculapius, and under the Empire it became a famous health resort. It was the birth-place of Epictetus the Stoic.
Hierapolis is mentioned once in the NT (Colossians 4:13), as a city causing grave concern to Epaphras, who was apparently the founder and first pastor of its church. The cities of the Lycus valley no doubt received the gospel at the time of St. Paul’s prolonged mission in Ephesus, the city from which the light radiated over the whole province of Asia (Acts 19:10; Acts 19:26). Having acted as St. Paul’s delegate in the Lycus valley (Colossians 1:7 [Revised Version ]), Epaphras knew that the Apostle regarded its churches as in a manner his own, and after some years of strenuous labour the ‘faithful minister of Christ’ made a journey from Asia to Home to seek counsel and help in dealing with errors of doctrine and practice which threatened to undo his work.
There is a trustworthy tradition which connects the name of Philip the Apostle with Hierapolis. Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus towards the end of the 2nd cent.-as quoted by Eusebius (HE [Note: E Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius, etc.).] iii. 31)-states that Philip, ‘one of the twelve,’ was among ‘the great lights of Asia,’ and that he was ‘buried at Hierapolis along with his two virgin daughters.’ Theodoret (Commentary on Psalms 116) says that ‘the Apostle Philip controverted the error of the Phrygians.’ St. John is also believed to have preached at Hierapolis, and the progress of Christianity there was represented as the victory over the Echidna or serpent of aesculapius, which was identified with Satan. Hierapolis was made a metropolis by Justinian. The ruins of the city are extensive and well-preserved. The theatre is one of the finest in Asia Minor. The white terrace now bears the fanciful name of ‘Cotton Castle’ (Pambuk-Kalessi).
Literature.-W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, 1842, i. 507ff.; T. Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. Paul3, 1875, i. 356f., W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 1890, p. 84, and Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i.  84-120.
Morrish Bible Dictionary
City of Phrygia in Asia Minor, for the saints of which Epaphras had a great zeal, or for whom he laboured much. Colossians 4:13 . Now called Pambuk Kalesi, 37 58' N, 29 11' E . It is remarkable for its hot calcareous springs, which have deposited curious incrustations.
A Dictionary of Early Christian Biography
- Abercius, Bishop of Hierapolis
Abercius ( Ἀβέρκιος, Ἀουίρκιος, Ἀουέρκιος, etc.; Lat. Avircius, or Avercius; on the form and origin, see Ramsay, Expositor , ix. (3rd ser.), pp. 268, 394, and Zahn, art. "Avercius," Realencyclopädie für protest. Theol. und Kirche , Hauck). The Life of the saint, described as bp. of Hierapolis in Phrygia in the time of M. Aurelius and L. Verus, as given by Symeon Metaphrastes and in the Bollandist Acta Sanctorum , Oct. 22, is full of worthless and fantastic tales. But the epitaph which the Acts incorporate, placed, according to the story, on the altar brought from Rome by the demon whom the saint had driven out of the emperor's daughter, is of great value, and the discovery of some of the actual fragments of the inscription may well be called "a romance of archaeology." For this rediscovery our thanks are due to the rich labours of Prof. Ramsay. The fact that Abercius was described as bp. of Hiera polis at the time mentioned above had contributed to hesitation as to the genuineness of the epitaph. But Ramsay (Bulletin de correspondance hellénique , Juillet 1882) pointed out that Hiera polis had been frequently confounded with Hiero polis; and he also published in the same journal a metrical and early Christian epitaph of a certain Alexander (A. D. 216), discovered at Hiero polis, and evidently copied from the epitaph of Abercius, as given in his Life . As to the copying, there can be no doubt, for the third line of the epitaph of Alexander, son of Antonius, will not scan, owing to the substitution of his name for that of Abercius (Lightfoot, Apost. Fathers 2 , i. p. 479; Headlam in Authority and Archaeology , pp. 307 ff., 1899). Ramsay's attention being drawn to the earlier epitaph, he collected various topographical notices in the Life of the saint, which pointed to Hier o polis, near Synnada (not Hiera polis on the Maeander), and he further established the case for the former by finding, in 1883, in the bath-room at some hot springs near Hiero polis, a small portion of the epitaph of Abercius himself on the fragment of an altar-shaped tomb; the hot springs in their position near the city exactly correspond with the position of the hot springs described in the Life . We have thus fortunately a threefold help in reconstructing the text of the whole epitaph—(1) the text in the Life ; (2) the rediscovered fragments in the stone; (3) the epitaph on the tomb of Alexander.
There is much to be said for the identification of Abercius with the Avircius Marcellus (Eus. H. E. v. 16) to whom the extracts of the anonymous writer against Montanus are dedicated. We cannot be sure as to the date of these extracts, but there is reason to place them towards the close of the reign of Commodus, 180–192, and the epitaph of Abercius must at least have been earlier than 216, the date of the epitaph of Alexander. But the writer of the extracts addresses the person to whom he dedicates his work as a person of authority, although he does not style him a bishop (but see Lightfoot, u.s. p. 483), who had urged him a very long time ago to write on the subject. Avircius Marcellus might therefore have well flourished in the reign of M. Aurelius, and might have visited Rome at the time mentioned in the legend, A.D. 163. Further, in the extracts mention is made by the writer of one Zoticus of Otrous, his "fellow-presbyter," and Otrous was in the neighbourhood of this Hieropolis (for the identification, see further Lightfoot and Zahn, u.s. ; Headlam, u.s. ; Ramsay, Expositor , ix. (3rd ser.), p. 394). Against the attempt of Ficker to prove that the epitaph was heathen, Sitzungsberichte d. Berl. Akad. 1895, pp. 87–112, and that of Harnack, Texte und Untersuchungen , xii. 4b , p. 21, to class it as partly heathen and partly Christian, see Zahn, u.s. , and further in Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift , 1895, pp. 863–886; also the criticism of Ramsay, quoted by Headlam, u.s. Both external and internal evidence are in favour of a Christian origin, and we have in this epitaph what Ramsay describes, C. R. E. pp. 437 ff., as "a testimony, brief, clear, emphatic, of the truth for which Avircius had contended—the one great figure on the Catholic side produced by the Phrygian church during this period," a man whose wide experience of men and cities might in itself have well marked him out as such a champion. The faithful, i.e. the sacred writings, the Sacraments of Holy Baptism and Holy Communion, the miraculous birth of our Lord (the most probable reference of παρθένος ἁγνή ), His omnipresent and omniscient energy, the fellowship of the members of the church, not only in Rome but elsewhere—all these (together with the mixed cup, wine and water; the prayer for the departed; the symbolic ΙΧΘΥΣ, one of its earliest instances) have a place in the picture of early Christian usage and belief gained from this one epitaph; however widely Abercius travelled, to the far East or West, the same picture, he assures us, met his gaze. We thus recover an instructive and enduring monument of Christian life in the 2nd cent., all the more remarkable because it is presented to us, not in any systematic form, but as the natural and simple expression of a pure and devout soul. For full literature, see Zahn, u.s. ; for the development of the legend from the facts mentioned in the epitaph, and for the reconstruction of the text by Lightfoot and Ramsay, see three articles by the latter in Expositor , ix. (3rd ser.), also Ramsay's Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia , ii. 722. In addition to literature above, cf. art. by Lightfoot in Expositor , i. (3rd ser.), pp. 3 ff.; and Farrar, Lives of the Fathers , i. pp. 10 ff. Prof. V. Bartlet discusses Harnack's hypothesis in the Critical Review , April 1896, and regards it as at present holding the field; though he finds Harnack's elimination of any reference to Paul the Apostle in the inscription quite unintelligible. Even Schmiedel (Encycl. Bibl. ii. 1778) refers unhesitatingly to the inscription as Christian. See futher Dr. Swete's art. J. T. S. July 1907, p. 502, on Avircius and prayers for the departed.
The following is a translation of the epitaph:
"Citizen of a chosen city I have made this (tomb) in my lifetime, that I may have here before the eyes of men ( φανερῶς v.l. καιρῷ ) a resting-place for my body—Avircius by name, a disciple of the pure Shepherd, who on the mountains and plains feedeth the flocks of His sheep, who hath eyes large and beholding all things. For He was my Teacher, teaching me (διδάσκων, so Ramsay, omitted by Zahn) the faithful writings; who sent me to Rome to behold the King ( βασιλῆαν, so Ramsay, but Lightfoot βασίληαν, Zahn, βασιλῆ ἀναθρῆσαι ), and to see the Queen in golden robes and golden sandals, and there, too, I saw a people bearing a shining seal (a reference to Baptism). And I saw the plain of Syria and all its cities, even Nisibis, having crossed the Euphrates, and everywhere I had fellow-worshippers (συνομήθεις, so Lightfoot and Ramsay; συνοδίτην , Zahn, referring to Paul). With Paul in my hands I followed (i.e. the writings of Paul, Ramsay; but Lightfoot and Di Rossi apparently 'with Paul as my comrade'; whilst Zahn conjectures ἔποχον , or rather ἐπ᾿ ὀχῶν instead of ἑπόμην ), while Faith everywhere led the way, and everywhere placed before me food, the Fish from the fountain, mighty, pure, which a spotless Virgin grasped (Ramsay refers to the Virgin Mary, but see also Lightfoot and Farrar). And this she (i.e. Faith) gave to the friends to eat continually, having excellent wine, giving the mixed cup with bread. These words, I, Avircius, standing by, bade to be thus written; I was in fact in my seventy-second year. On seeing this let everyone who thinks with him ( i.e. who is also an anti-Montanist, so Ramsay; Lightfoot and Farrar simply 'fellow Christian') pray for him ( i.e. Avircius). But no one shall place another in my tomb, but if so, he shall pay 2000 gold pieces to the Romans, and 1000 gold pieces to my excellent fatherland Hierapolis " (so Ramsay, vide Expositor , ix. 3rd ser. p. 271, for a justification of this reading).
A Dictionary of Early Christian Biography
- Alexander, Bishop of Hierapolis
Alexander , bp. of Hierapolis Euphratensis and metropolitan in the patriarchate of Antioch; the uncompromising opponent of Cyril of Alexandria, and the resolute advocate of Nestorius in the controversies that followed the council of Ephesus, A.D. 431. His dignity as metropolitan gave him a leading place in the opposition of which the patriarch John of Antioch was the head, and his influence was confirmed by personal character. He may have commenced his episcopate as early as A.D. 404, when with uncompromising zeal he erased from the diptychs of one of his churches the name of Julian, a man famous for sanctity, but accused of Apollinarianism (Baluz. Nov. Coll. Conc. p. 867).
Alexander arrived at the council of Ephesus in company with his brother metropolitan Alexander of Apamea on or about June 20, 431. As soon as the Alexanders discovered Cyril's intention to open the council before John of Antioch's arrival they, on June 21, united with the other bishops of the East in signing a formal act demanding delay (Labbe, Concil. iii. 552, 660, 662; Baluz. 697, 699). The council heeded them not, opened their sittings the next day, June 22, and soon did the work for which they had been summoned, the condemnation of Nestorius. When John at last arrived, June 27, Alexander joined in the counter-council held by him and the prelates of his party in his inn, and signed the acts which cancelled the proceedings of the former council, deposing Cyril and Memnon, bp. of Ephesus, and declaring Cyril's anathemas heretical. As a necessary consequence Alexander was included in the sentence against John, and cut off from communion with Cyril's party (Labbe, iii. 764; Baluz. 507). Later he joined the council held by John at Tarsus, which pronounced a fresh sentence of deposition on Cyril (Baluz. 840, 843, 874); also that at Antioch in the middle of December, ratifying the former acts and declaring adherence to the Nicene faith. A meeting was held at Antioch early in 432, attended by Alexander, when six alternative articles were drawn up, one of which it was hoped Cyril would accept, and so afford a basis of reconciliation ( ib. 764). One declared a resolution to be content with the Nicene Creed and to reject all the documents that had caused the controversy. Another council was summoned at Beroea. Four more articles were added to the six, and the whole were despatched to Cyril. Cyril was well content to express his adherence to the Nicene Creed, but felt it unreasonable that he should be required to abandon all he had written on the Nestorian controversy (Labbe, iii. 114, 1151, 1157, iv. 666; Baluz. 786). Cyril's reply was accepted by Acacius and John of Antioch, and other bishops now sincerely anxious for peace, but not by Alexander or Theodoret (Baluz. 757, 782). The former renewed his charge of Apollinarianism and refused to sign the deposition of Nestorius ( ib. 762–763). This defection of Acacius of Beroea and John of Antioch was received with indignant sorrow by Alexander. It was the first breach in the hitherto compact opposition, and led to its gradual dissolution, leaving Alexander almost without supporters. In a vehement letter to Andrew of Samosata, he bitterly complained of Acacius's fickleness and protested that he would rather fly to the desert, resign his bishopric, and cut off his right hand than recognize Cyril as a Catholic until he had recanted his errors ( ib. 764–765). The month of April, 433, saw the reconciliation of John and the majority of the Oriental bishops with Cyril fully established (Labbe, iv. 659; Cyril, Ep. 31, 42, 44). Alexander was informed of this in a private letter from John, beseeching him no longer to hinder the peace of the church. Alexander's indignation now knew no bounds. He wrote in furious terms to Andrew and Theodoret (Baluz. 799, 800). His language became more and more extravagant, "exile, violent death, the beasts, the fire, the precipice, were to be chosen before communion with a heretic" ( ib. 768, 775, 799, 800, 809, 810), and he even "made a vow to avoid the sight, hearing, or even the remembrance of all who in their hearts turned back again to Egypt" ( ib. 865). Alexander's contumacy had been regarded as depriving him of his functions as metropolitan. John, as patriarch, stepped in, A.D. 434, and ordained bishops in the Euphratensian province. This act, of very doubtful legality, excited serious displeasure, and was appealed against by Alexander and six of his suffragans ( ib. 831–833, 865).
The end was now near at hand. Pulcheria and Theodosius had been carefully informed of the obstinate refusal of Alexander and the few left to support him to communicate with those whose orthodoxy had been recognized by the church. John had obtained imperial rescripts decreeing the expulsion and banishment of all bishops who still refused to communicate with him (ib. 876). This rescript was executed in the case of other recusants; Alexander still remained. John expressed great unwillingness to take any steps towards the deprivation of his former friend. He commissioned Theodoret to use his influence with him. But Theodoret had again to report the impossibility of softening his inflexibility. John now, A.D. 435, felt he could not offer any further resistance to the imperial decrees. But no compulsion was needed: Alexander obeyed the order with calmness, and even with joy at laying aside the burdens and anxieties of the episcopate. He went forth in utter poverty, not taking with him a single penny of his episcopal revenue, or a book or paper belonging to the church. His sole outfit consisted of some necessary documents, and the funds contributed by friends for the hire of vehicles ( ib. 868, 881, 882). The banishment of their beloved and revered bishop overwhelmed the people of Hierapolis with grief. Fear of the civil authorities deterred them from any open manifestation, but they closed the churches, shut themselves up in their houses, and wept in private. In exile at the mines of Phamuthin in Egypt, Alexander died, sternly adhering to his anathemas of Cyril to the last (Tillemont, Mém. Ecclés. xiv. xv.; Labbe, Concil. vol. iii.; Baluz. Nov. Collect. )
People's Dictionary of the Bible
Hierapolis (hî'e-răp'o-lĭs), sacred city. A city in Proconsular Asia, Colossians 4:13, near the river Lycus, and in sight of Laodicea, which was about 5 miles to the south. It stood on a high bluff, with a high mountain behind it. In the city was the famous temple of Pluto, remains of which are still to be seen. The ruins of the city are extensive, as temples, churches, a triumphal arch, a theatre, gymnasium, baths, and highly ornamented sarcophagi.
American Tract Society Bible Dictionary
A city of Phrygia, situated on its western border, near the junction of the rivers Lycus and Meander, and not far from Colosses and Laodicea. It was celebrated for its warm springs and baths. A Christian church was early established here, and enjoyed the ministrations of the faithful Epaphras, Colossians 4:12,13 . The city is now desolate, but its ruins still exhibit many traces of its ancient splendor. Among them are the remains of three churches, a theatre, a gymnasium, and many sepulchral monuments. The white front of the cliffs, above which the city lay, has given it its present name of Pamluke-kaleh, the Cotton Castle.
A Dictionary of Early Christian Biography
- Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis
Papias (1) , bp. of Hierapolis in Phrygia (Eus. H. E. iii. 36) in the first half of 2nd cent. Lightfoot says ( Coloss. p. 48), "Papias, or (as it is very frequently written in inscriptions) Pappias, is a common Phrygian name. It is found several times at Hierapolis, not only in inscriptions (Boeckh, 3930, 3912 A, add.), but even on coins (Mionnet, iv. p. 301). This is explained by the fact that it was an epithet of the Hierapolitan Zeus (Boeckh, 3912 A, Παπίᾳ Διῒ σωτῆρι )." The date of Papias used to be regarded as determined by a notice in the Paschal Chronicle , which was thought to record his martyrdom at Pergamus under a.d. 163. But we have no ground for asserting that Papias lived so late as 163, and we shall see reason for at least placing his literary activity considerably earlier in the century.
His name is famous as the writer of a treatise in five books called Expositions of Oracles of the Lord ( Λογίων Κυριακῶν ἐξηγήσεις ), which title we shall discuss presently. The object of the book seems to have been to throw light on the Gospel history, especially by the help of oral traditions which Papias had collected from those who had met members of the apostolic circle. That Papias lived when it was still possible to meet such persons has given great importance to his testimony, though only some very few fragments of his work remain. Every word of these fragments has been rigidly scrutinized, and, what is less reasonable where so little is known, arguments have been built on the silence of Papias about sundry matters which it is supposed he ought to have mentioned and assumed that he did not. We give at length the first and most important of the fragments, a portion of the preface preserved by Eusebius (iii. 39), from which we can infer the object of the work and the resources which Papias claimed to have available. "And I will not scruple also to give for thee a place along with my interpretations to whatsoever at any time I well learned from the elders and well stored up in memory, guaranteeing its truth. For I did not, like the generality, take pleasure in those who have much to say, but in those who teach the truth; nor in those who relate their strange commandments, but in those who record such as were given from the Lord to the Faith and come from the Truth itself. And if ever any one came who had been a follower of the elders, I would inquire as to the discourses of the elders, what was said by Andrew, or what by Peter, or what by Philip, or what by Thomas or James, or what by John or Matthew or any other of the disciples of the Lord; and the things which Aristion and the elder John, the disciples of the Lord, say. For I did not think that I could get so much profit from the contents of books as from the utterances of a living and abiding voice."
The singular "for thee" in the opening words implies that the work of Papias was inscribed to some individual. The first sentence of the extract had evidently followed one in which the writer had spoken of the "interpretations" which appear to have been the main subject of his treatise, and for joining his traditions with which he conceives an apology necessary. Thus we see that Papias is not making a first attempt to write the life of our Lord or a history of the apostles, but assumes the previous existence of a written record. Papias enumerates the ultimate sources of his traditions in two classes: Andrew, Peter, and others, of whom he speaks in the past tense; Aristion and John the Elder, of whom he speaks in the present. As the passage is generally understood, Papias only claims a second-hand knowledge of what these had related, but had inquired from any who had conferred with elders, what Andrew, Peter, etc., had said, and what John and Aristion were saying; the last two being the only ones then surviving. But considering that there is a change of pronouns, we are disposed to think that there is an anacoluthon, and that his meaning, however ill expressed, was that he learned, by inquiry from others, things that Andrew, Peter, and others had said, and also stored up in his memory things which Aristion and John said in his own hearing. Eusebius certainly understands Papias to claim to have been a hearer of this John and Aristion. The word "elders" is ordinarily used of men of a former generation, and would be most naturally understood here of men of the first generation of Christians; if it were not that in the second clause the title seems to be refused to Aristion, who is nevertheless described as a disciple (by which we must understand a personal disciple) of our Lord; and as those mentioned in the first group are all apostles, the word "elder," as Papias used it, may have included, besides antiquity, the idea of official dignity. As to whether the John mentioned with Aristion is different from John the apostle previously mentioned, see JOHANNES (444) PRESBYTER.
The fragment quoted enables us to fix within certain limits the date of Papias. He is evidently separated by a whole generation from the apostolic age; he describes himself as living when it was not exceptional to meet persons who had. been hearers of the apostles, and (if we understand him rightly) he had met two who professed to have actually seen our Lord Himself. Eusebius tells that Philip the apostle (some suppose that he ought to have said Philip the deacon) came to reside at Hierapolis with his daughters; and that Papias, on the authority of these daughters, tells a story of Philip raising a man from the dead. Eusebius certainly understood Papias to describe himself as contemporary with those daughters and as having heard the story from them. If these were they whom St. Luke describes as prophesying at Caesarea in 58, and if they were young women then, they might have been still alive at Hierapolis between 100 and 110. But as Papias speaks of his inquiries in the past tense, a considerable time had probably elapsed before he published the results. On the whole, we shall not be far wrong in dating the work c. 130.
Papias evidently lived after the rise of Gnosticism and was not unaffected by the controversies occasioned by it. Strong asceticism was a feature of some of the earliest Gnostic sects; and their commandments, "Touch not, taste not, handle not," may well have been "the strange commandments" to which Papias refers. Lightfoot is probably right in thinking that the sarcasm in the phrase "those who have so very much to say" may have been aimed at the work on the Gospel by Basilides in 24 books, and some similar productions of the Gnostic schools of which the later book Pistis Sophia is a sample.
Of the traditions recorded by Papias, what has given rise to most discussion and has been the foundation of most theories is what he relates about the Gospels of SS. Matthew and Mark, which he is the first to mention by name. Concerning Mark he says, "This also the elder [John] said: Mark having become the interpreter of Peter wrote accurately everything that he remembered of the things that were either said or done by Christ; but however not in order. For he neither heard the Lord nor had been a follower of His; but afterwards, as I said, was a follower of Peter, who framed his teaching according to the needs [of his hearers], but not with the design of giving a connected account of the Lord's discourses [or oracles]. Thus Mark committed no error in thus writing down some things as he remembered them. For he took heed to one thing: not to omit any of the things he had heard, or to set down anything falsely therein." Concerning Matthew, all that remains of what Papias says is, "So then Matthew composed the oracles in Hebrew, and every one interpreted them as he could." For a long time no one doubted that Papias here spoke of our Gospels of SS. Matthew and Mark; and mainly on the authority of these passages was founded the general belief of the Fathers, that St. Matthew's Gospel had been originally written in Hebrew, and St. Mark's founded on the teaching of Peter. But some last-century critics contended that our present Gospels do not answer the descriptions given by Papias. There is a striking resemblance between the two as we have them at present; but Papias's description, it is said, would lead us to think of them as very different. St. Matthew's Gospel, according to Papias, was a Hebrew book, containing an account only of our Lord's discourses; for so Schleiermacher translates τὰ λόγια , which we have rendered "oracles." St. Mark, on the other hand, wrote in Greek and recorded the acts as well as the words of Christ. Again, St. Mark's Gospel, which in its present state has an arrangement as orderly as St. Matthew's, was, according to Papias, not written in order. The conclusion which has been drawn is, that Papias's testimony relates not to our Gospels of SS. Matthew and Mark, but to their unknown originals; and accordingly many constantly speak of "the original Matthew," the "Ur-Marcus," though there is no particle of evidence beyond what may be extracted from this passage of Papias that there ever was any Gospel by SS. Matthew or Mark different from those we have. Renan even undertakes to give an account of the process by which the two very distinct works known to Papias, St. Matthew's collection of discourses, and St. Mark's collection of anecdotes, came into their present similar forms. In the early times, every possessor of anything that purported to be a record of our Lord desired to have the story complete; and would write into the margin of his book matter he met elsewhere, and so the book of St. Mark's anecdotes was enriched by a number of traits from St. Matthew's "discourses" and vice versa .
If this theory were true we should expect to find in early times a multitude of gospels differing in their order and selection of facts. Why we should have now exactly four versions of the story is hard to explain on this hypothesis. We should expect that by such mutual assimilation all would in the end have been reduced to a single gospel. The solitary fact to which Renan appeals in support of his theory in reality refutes it—the fact i.e. that the pericope of the adulteress (Joh_7:53 to Joh_8:11) is absent from some MSS. and differently placed in others. Such an instance is so unusual that critics have generally inferred that this pericope cannot be a genuine part of St. John's Gospel; but if Renan's theory were true the phenomena present in a small degree in this case ought to be seen in a multitude of cases. There ought to be many parables and miracles of which we should be uncertain whether they were common to all the evangelists or special to one and what place in that one they should occupy. Further according to Renan's hypothesis St. Mark's design was more comprehensive than St. Matthew's. St. Matthew only related our Lord's discourses; St. Mark the "things said or done by Christ," i.e. both discourses and anecdotes. St. Mark's Gospel would thus differ from St. Matthew's by excess and St. Matthew's read like an abridgment of St. Mark's. Exactly the opposite is the case.
We count it a mere blunder to translate λόγια "discourses" as if it were the same as λόγους. In N.T. (Act_7:38; Rom_3:2; Heb_5:12; 1Pe_4:11) the word has its classical meaning "oracles," and is applied to the inspired utterances of God in O.T. Nor is there reason to think that when St. Paul e.g. says that to the Jews were committed the oracles of God he confined this epithet to those parts of O.T. which contained divine sayings and refused it to those narrative parts from which he so often drew lessons (Rom_4:3; 1Co_10:1; 1Co_11:8; Gal_4:21). Philo quotes as a λόγιον the narrative in Gen_4:15 "The Lord set a mark upon Cain," etc. and the words (Deuteronomy 10 ) "The Lord God is his inheritance." Similarly the Apostolic Fathers. In Clement (I. Cor. 53) τὰ λόγια τοῦ θεοῦ is used as equivalent to τὰς ἱερὰς γραφὰς. (See also c. 19 Polyc. ad Phil. 7.) As Papias's younger contemporary Justin Martyr tells us that the reading of the Gospels had in his time become part of Christian public worship we may safely pronounce the silent substitution of one Gospel for another a thing inconceivable; and we conclude that as we learn from Justin that the Gospels had been set on a level with the O.T. in the public reading of the church so we know from Papias that the ordinary name τὰ λόγια for the O.T. books had in Christian use been extended to the Gospels which were called τὰ κυριακὰ λόγια the "oracles of our Lord." There is no reason to imagine the work of Papias limited to an exposition of our Lord's discourses; we translate therefore its title Κυριακῶν λογίων ἐξηγήσεις "Expositions of the Gospels."
The manner in which Papias speaks of St. Mark's Gospel quite agrees with the inspired authority, which the title, as we understand it, implies. Three times in this short fragment he attests St. Mark's perfect accuracy. "Mark wrote down accurately everything that he remembered." "Mark committed no error." "He made it his rule not to omit anything he had heard or to set down any false statement therein." Yet, for some reason, Papias was dissatisfied with St. Mark's arrangement and thought it necessary to apologize for it. No account of the passage is satisfactory which does not explain why, if Papias reverenced St. Mark so much, he was dissatisfied with his order. Here the hypothesis breaks down at once, that Papias only possessed two documents unlike in kind, the one a collection of discourses, the other of anecdotes. Respecting St Mark's accuracy as he did Papias would certainly have accepted his order unless he had some other document to which, in this respect, he attached more value, going over the same ground as St. Mark's but in a different order. If, then, Papias held that St. Mark's Gospel was not written in the right order, what, in his opinion, was the right order? Strauss considers and rejects three answers to this question, as being all irreconcilable at least with the supposition that the Gospel known to Papias as St. Mark's was that which we receive under the name: (1) that the right order was St. John's; (2) that it was St. Matthew's; (3) that Papias meant to deny to St. Mark the merit, not only of the right order, but of any orderly arrangement at all. Lightfoot defended (1) with great ability (Contemp. Rev. Oct. 1875, p. 848). But there remains another answer which we believe the true one—viz. that Papias regarded St. Luke's as the right order. The reason this solution has been generally set aside is that St. Luke's Gospel is not mentioned in any extant fragments of Papias, from which it has been assumed that he was unacquainted with Luke's writings. If we had the whole work of Papias the argument from his silence might be reasonable; but we have no right to assume his silence merely because Eusebius included no statement about St. Luke in the few brief extracts from Papias which he gives. Lightfoot has shewn ( Coloss. p. 52) that Eusebius is not wont without some special reason to copy references made by his predecessors to undisputed books of the Canon. Hilgenfeld finds in the preface of Papias echoes of the preface to St. Luke's Gospel which induce him to believe that Papias knew that gospel. To us this argument does not carry conviction, but there is every appearance that Papias was acquainted with the Acts. In one fragment he mentions Justus Barsabas; in another he gives an account of the death of Judas Iscariot which seems plainly intended to reconcile the story in St. Matthew with that in the Acts. One extant fragment appears to have been part of a comment on our Lord's words preserved by St. Luke, "I beheld Satan as lightning fall from heaven."
But if Papias knew St. Luke's Gospel, his language with respect to St. Mark's is at once explained. St. Luke's preface declares his intention to write in order, γραψαὶ καθεξῆς ; but his order is neither St. Mark's nor St. Matthew's. On this difference we conceive Papias undertook to throw light by his traditional anecdotes. His account is that Mark was but the interpreter of Peter, whose teaching he accurately reported; that Peter had not undertaken at any time to give an orderly account of our Lord's words and deeds, but had merely related some of them from time to time as the immediate needs suggested; that Mark therefore faithfully reported what he had heard, and if his order was not always accurate it was because it had been no part of his plan to aim at accuracy in this respect. With regard to St. Matthew's Gospel, his solution seems to be that the church had not then the Gospel as St. Matthew had written it; that the Greek Matthew was but an unauthorized translation from a Hebrew original which individuals had translated, each for himself as he could. Thus, so far from it being true that Papias did not use our present Gospels, we believe that he was the first to harmonize them, and to proclaim the principle that no apparent disagreement between them affects their substantial truth. Remembering the solicitude Papias here displays to clear the Gospels from all suspicion of error, and the recognition of inspired authority implied in the title λόγια , we cannot admit the inference which has been drawn from the last sentence of the fragment, that Papias attached little value to the Gospels as compared with the viva voce traditions he could himself attest; and we endorse Lightfoot's explanation, that it was the Gnostic apocryphal writings which Papias found useless in his attempts to illustrate the Gospel narrative accepted by the church.
As we have seen, the extant fragments of Papias do not mention the Gospels of SS. Luke or John by name. Eusebius says, however, that Papias uses testimonies from St. John's first epistle. There is therefore very strong presumption that Papias was acquainted with the Gospel, a presumption strengthened by the fact that the list of the apostles in the fragment of the preface contains names in the order in which they occur in St. John's Gospel, placing Andrew before Peter, and includes some such as Thomas and Philip, who outside that Gospel have little prominence in the Gospel record, and that it gives to our Lord the Johannine title, the Truth. Irenaeus (v. 36) has preserved a fragment containing an express recognition of St. John's Gospel; and though Irenaeus only gives it as a saying of the elders, Lightfoot (Contemp. Rev., u.s. ) has given convincing reasons for thinking that Papias is his authority, a conclusion which Harnack accepts as highly probable. An argument prefixed to a Vatican (9th cent.) MS. of St. John's Gospel quotes a saying of Papias about that Gospel and speaks of Papias as having been John's amanuensis. On the latter statement, see Lightfoot, u.s. p. 854; but the evidence seems good enough to induce us to believe that the work of Papias contained some notices of St. John's Gospel which Eusebius has not thought it worth while to mention. Papias belonged to Asia Minor, where the Fourth Gospel according to all tradition was written, and where its authority was earliest recognized; and he is described by Irenaeus as a companion of Polycarp, of whose use of St. John's Gospel we cannot doubt. Eusebius does not mention that Papias used the Apocalypse; but we learn that he did from other trustworthy authorities, and on the subject of Chiliasm Papias held views most distasteful to Eusebius. We learn from Irenaeus (v. 33) that Papias, in his fourth book, told, on the authority of "the Elder" [John], how our Lord had said that "the days will come when there shall be vines having 10,000 stems, and on each stem 10,000 branches, and on each branch 10,000 shoots, and on each shoot 10,000 clusters, and in each cluster 10,000 grapes, and each grape when pressed shall give 25 measures of wine. And when any of the saints shall take hold of a cluster, another shall cry out, I am a better cluster, take me, and bless the Lord through me." The story tells of similar predictions concerning other productions of the earth, and relates how the traitor Judas expressed his unbelief and was rebuked by our Lord. The ultimate original of this story of Papias was a Jewish apocryphal book made known by Ceriani, Monumenta Sac. et Profan. , in 1866. See the Apocalypse of Baruch, c. 29, in Fritzsche, Libri Apoc. Vet. Test. p. 666. To this, and possibly other similar stories, Eusebius no doubt refers when he says that Papias had related certain strange parables and teachings of the Saviour and other things of a fabulous character. Amongst these Eusebius quotes the doctrine that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ would be exhibited for a thousand years in a sensible form on. this earth; and he considers that things spoken mystically by the apostles had wrongly been understood literally by Papias, who "was a man of very poor understanding as his writings shew." The common text of Eusebius elsewhere (iii. 26) calls him a very learned man, deeply versed in the Holy Scriptures; but the weight of evidence is against the genuineness of the clause containing this encomium, which probably expresses later church opinion.
Eusebius tells nothing as to Papias's use of St. Paul's Epistles, and, though the silence of Eusebius alone would not go far, Papias may have found no occasion to mention them in a work on the gospel history. In looking for traditions of our Lord's life, Papias would naturally inquire after the testimony of those who had seen Him in the flesh. The very gratuitous inference from the assumed fact that Papias does not quote St. Paul, that he must have been Ebionite and anti-Pauline, is negatived by the fact that, as Eusebius testifies, he used St. Peter's Epistle, a work the teaching of which, as all critics allow, is completely Pauline. If the silence of Eusebius as to the use by Papias of St. John's Gospel and St. Paul's Epistles affords any presumption, it is that Papias gave no indication that his opinion about the undisputed books differed from that which, in the time of Eusebius, was received as unquestioned truth. For Eusebius thought meanly of Papias and, if he had known him to have held wrong opinions about the Canon, would have been likely to have mentioned it in disparagement of his authority in support of Chiliasm.
Eusebius says that Papias tells a story of a woman accused before our Lord of many sins, a story also to be found in the Gospel according to the Hebrews. There is a reasonable probability that this story may be that of the woman taken in adultery, now found in the common text of St. John's Gospel. Eusebius does not say that Papias took this story from the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and the presumption is that Papias gave it as known to him by oral tradition and not from a written source. If so, Papias need have had no direct knowledge of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Papias has a story about Justus Barsabas having taken a cup of poison without injury. If Papias's copy of St. Mark contained the disputed verses at the end, this story might appropriately have been told to illustrate the verse, "If they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them," a promise instances of the fulfilment of which are very rare, whether in history or legend. A story of the kind is told of the apostle John, but is probably later than Papias, or we should have been likely to have heard of it here.
Georgius Hamartolus quotes Papias as saying in his second book that the apostle John had been killed by the Jews. That there is some blunder is clear; but Lightfoot has made it very probable from comparison with a passage in Origen that a real saying of Papias is quoted but with the omission of a line or two. Papias in commenting on Mat_20:22 may very well have said as does Origen that John had been condemned by the Roman emperor to exile at Patmos and that James had been killed by the Jews.
In JOANNES PRESBYTER we quote several authorities (including Irenaeus) who speak of Papias as a disciple of John the Evangelist. He is called by Anastasius of Sinai ὁ πάνυ and ὁ πολύς , and passed in the church as an authority of the highest rank. Jerome (Ep. ad Lucinium , 71 Vallars.) contradicts a report that he had translated the writings of Papias and Polycarp, declaring that he had neither leisure nor ability for such a task. He does not, in his writings, shew any signs that he knew more of the work of Papias than he could have learned from Eusebius. The latest trace of the existence of the work of Papias is that an inventory, a.d. 1218, of the possessions of the cathedral of Nismes (Menard. Hist. civil. ecclés. et littér. de la ville de Nismes ) contains the entry "Item inveni in claustro—librum Papie librum de verbis Domini." No trace of this MS. has been recovered. The fragments of Papias have been assembled in various collections, e.g. Grabe ( Spicilegium ), Galland and Routh (Rel. Sac. ), but can best be read in Gebhardt and Harnack's Apost. Fathers , pt. ii.; a trans. is in the vol. of Apost. Fathers in Ante-Nicene Lib. (T. & T. Clark). Dissertations on Papias are very numerous; we may mention important articles in the Theol. Studien und Kritiken by Schleiermacher, 1832, Zahn, 1867, Steitz, 1868; an essay by Weiffenbach (Giessen, 1876), a reply by Leimbach (Gotha, 1878), and a rejoinder by Weiffenbach, Jahrbuch f. Prot. Theol. 1877; Hilgenfeld in his Journal , 1875, 1877, 1879; Lightfoot, Contemp. Rev. 1867, 1875 ; Harnack, Chronologie .
Others of the name of Papias are—a martyr with Victorinus (Assemani, Act. Mart. Or. et Occ. ii. 60); a martyr with Onesimus at Rome, Feb. 16; a physician at Laodicea (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vii. 154); and a grammarian Papias in the 11th cent., a note of whose on the Maries of the Gospel was published by Grabe among the fragments of Papias of Hierapolis and accepted as such until Lightfoot established the true authorship.
Apollinaris Claudius, Saint - (2century) Bishop of Hierapolis, Phrygia
Hierapolis - (Ἱεράπολις)...
Hierapolis was a city in the province of Asia, picturesquely situated on a broad terrace in the mountain range which skirts the N. Hierapolis was probably an old Lydian city, but in the Roman period it was always regarded as Phrygian. While the older form-Hieropolis, the city of the hieron-limits the sanctity to the shrine, the later form-Hierapolis, the sacred city-conveys the idea that the whole place was holy. Politically of little account, Hierapolis was important as the home of an ancient Anatolian nature-worship, the cult of Leto and her son Sabazios. ...
Hierapolis is mentioned once in the NT (Colossians 4:13), as a city causing grave concern to Epaphras, who was apparently the founder and first pastor of its church. ...
There is a trustworthy tradition which connects the name of Philip the Apostle with Hierapolis. 31)-states that Philip, ‘one of the twelve,’ was among ‘the great lights of Asia,’ and that he was ‘buried at Hierapolis along with his two virgin daughters. John is also believed to have preached at Hierapolis, and the progress of Christianity there was represented as the victory over the Echidna or serpent of aesculapius, which was identified with Satan. Hierapolis was made a metropolis by Justinian
Phrygia - The towns of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:14 ), Colosse, Hierapolis, Iconium, and Laodicea were situated in it
Car'Chemish - (fortress of Chemosh ) occupied nearly the site of the later Mabug or Hierapolis
Phrygia - Under the Roman administration the western part of Phrygia, which included the towns of Colossae, Laodicea and Hierapolis, fell within the province of Asia
Colos'se, - Hierapolis and Laodicea were in its immediate neighborhood
Epaphras - He was a native of Colosse whose ministry especially involved Colosse, Laodicea, and Hierapolis
Hierapolis - Hierapolis (hî'e-răp'o-lĭs), sacred city
Phrygia - Within its limits were the cities of Laodicæa, Hierapolis, Colossæ, and Antioch of Pisidia
Colosse - A city of Phrygia, situated on a hill near the junction of the Lycus with the Meander, and not far from the cities Hierapolis and Laodicea, Colossians 2:1 4:13,15
Colosse, or Colassae - Colosse had been a place of importance, but declined on the rise of Hierapolis and Laodicea
Apostle, Philip the - The legends concerning him are uncertain, confusing him with Philip the Deacon; however the general opinion is that he, with his two daughters, died at Hierapolis
Carchemish - Fortress of Chemosh, a city on the west bank of the Euphrates (Jeremiah 46:2 ; 2 Chronicles 35:20 ), not, as was once supposed, the Circesium at the confluence of the Chebar and the Euphrates, but a city considerably higher up the river, and commanding the ordinary passage of the Euphrates; probably identical with Hierapolis
Hierapolis - Hierapolis (‘holy city’) is mentioned in the Bible only in Colossians 4:13 , in association with the neighbouring towns Laodicea and ColossÃ¦. All three were situated in the valley of the Lycus, a tributary of the MÃ¦ander, in Phrygia, Hierapolis on the north side being about 6 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter
Dorotheus (7), Bishop of Martianopolis - 701), and joining in the documents warning the clergy and people of Hierapolis and Constantinople against the errors of Cyril, and announcing Cyril's excommunication ( ib. 840) to Alexander of Hierapolis and Theodoret, proposing a joint appeal to the emperor
Laodicea - Laodicea (la-ŏd-i-sç'ah), the old city (Greek Diospolis), stood on the banks of the Lycus, a branch of the Meander, a few miles distant from Colosse and Hierapolis, in the Roman province of Asia, in Asia Minor
Carchemish - It stood where Hierapolis (Mabog) was subsequently
Phrygia - The Phrygia meant in Scripture is the southern portion (called "greater Phrygia") of the region above, and contained Laodicea, Hierapolis, Colosse, and Iconium
Barbara, Saint - Hieropolis in Egypt, Nicomedia, Antioch, Rome, and Hierapolis in Syria having been named
Carchemish - It was shown by George Smith to have lain on the site of the modern Jerablus or Hierapolis
Atargatis - Derceto) at Carnion ( 2Ma 12:26 ), other shrines were situated at Hierapolis and Ashkelon
Laodicea - It forms a triangle with Hierapolis and Colosse
Anti-Libanus - The Hebrew text never mentions Antilibanus; but uses the general name Libanus: and the coins struck at Laodicea and Hierapolis, have the inscription, "cities of Libanus," though they belong rather to Antilibanus
Laodicea - In Paul's epistle to the COLOSSIANS (Colossians 4:13-16) Laodicea is associated with Colossae and Hierapolis, which exactly accords with its geographical position, 18 miles W. of Hierapolis. The hot (at Hierapolis) and cold springs near Laodicea suggested the simile
Colossae - It was situated in the upper part of the valley of the Lycus, a tributary of the MÃ¦ander, about 10 miles from Laodicea, and 13 from Hierapolis
Epaphras - The fact of his prayerful zeal for Laodicea and Hierapolis suggests his having brought the faith to these cities also ( Colossians 4:13 )
Athanasius, Bishop of Perrha - of Perrha, a see dependent on the Syrian Hierapolis; present at the council of Ephesus, 431, supporting Cyril of Alexandria
Eutherius, Bishop of Tyana - Hierapolis Synodicon, c. 681); to Alexander of Hierapolis, who was opposed to the reconciliation, a long letter ably defending the position which they and others were still determined to maintain ( ib
Laodicea - It was situated on the river Lycus, not far above its junction with the Meander, and in the vicinity of Colosse and Hierapolis
Laodicea - (lay ahd ih cee' uh) A city in southwest Asia Minor on an ancient highway running from Ephesus to Syria ten miles west of Colossae and six miles south of Hierapolis. First, Jesus said Laodicea is neither cold (like the cold, pure waters of Colossae) nor hot (like the therapeutic hot springs of Hierapolis)
Apostolic Fathers - PAPIAS, Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia
Serapion, Bishop of Antioch - They are—(1) a letter to Caricus and Pontius against the Cataphrygian or Montanist heresy, containing a copy of a letter of Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and substantiated as to the facts by the signatures of several other bishops, including some of Thrace; (2) a treatise addressed to Domninus, who during the persecution of Severus had fallen away to the Jewish "will-worship"; and (3), the most important, directed against the Docetic gospel falsely attributed to St
Philip - He is several times mentioned in the gospel in Phrygia, and died at Hierapolis in Syria
Phil'ip - After this all is uncertain and apocryphal, According tradition he preached in Phrygia, and died at Hierapolis
Laodice'a - (justice of the people ), a town in the Roman province of Asia situated in the valley of the Maeander, on a small river called the Lycus, with Colossae and Hierapolis a few miles distant to the west
Laodicea - Like Colossae and Hierapolis, Laodicea was situated in a fertile valley east of Ephesus in the Roman province of Asia
Phil'ip the Evangelist - One tradition places the scene of his death at Hierapolis in Phrygia
Rabbulas, Bishop of Edessa - His signature appears to the letter to the clergy and laity of Hierapolis (Baluz. Rabbûlas's violence is also described in a letter of Andrew of Samosata to his metropolitan, Alexander of Hierapolis, shortly after Easter, 432, complaining that Rabbûlas was dealing with a high hand in Edessa, openly anathematizing Theodore's teaching of one nature in Christ, and excommunicating all who refused to accept the Cyrillian dogmas or who read Theodore's books, which he was everywhere committing to the flames. Alexander's anger having been aroused, Andrew wrote to the oeconomi of Hierapolis to justify himself
Dagon - " The male god to which Atargatis corresponds (2 Maccabees 12:26), the Syrian goddess with a woman's body and fish's tail, worshipped at Hierapolis and Ascalon
Marcianus, a Solitary in Syria - of Antioch, in company with four of the most eminent bishops of Syria—Acacius of Berrhoea, Eusebius of Chalcis, Isidore of Cyrrhus, and Theodotus of Hierapolis—besides some religious laymen of high rank
Colosse - a city of Phrygia Minor, which stood on the river Lyceus, at an equal distance between Laodicea and Hierapolis. Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse, were at no great distance from each other; which accounts for the Apostle Paul, when writing to his Christian brethren in the latter of these places, mentioning them all in connection with each other, Colossians 4:13
Philip - He is said to have preached in Phrygia, and to have met his death at Hierapolis
Helladius, Bishop of Tarsus - 703), and his name is appended to the synodal letter to the clergy and laity of Hierapolis ( ib. When the rival leaders sought peace, Helladius kept aloof, and on the receipt of the six articles drawn up by John at a council at Antioch, which ultimately opened the way for reconcilation, he and Alexander of Hierapolis rejected the terms and all communion with Cyril
Aphthartodocetae, a Sect of the Monophysites - of Halicarnassus, and his contemporary Xenajas of Hierapolis
Elias i, Bishop of Jerusalem - When the Monophysites (Acephali) in Syria, under the leadership of Xenaias of Hierapolis, broke into open insurrection, treating as heretics all who acknowledged the two natures, Elias was one of the chief objects of their attack
Ephraim (6), Bishop of Antioch And Patriarch - Moschus tells a story of his encounter near Hierapolis with one of the pillar ascetics, a follower of Severus and the Acephali (Prat
Alexander, Bishop of Hierapolis Euphratensis - of Hierapolis Euphratensis and metropolitan in the patriarchate of Antioch; the uncompromising opponent of Cyril of Alexandria, and the resolute advocate of Nestorius in the controversies that followed the council of Ephesus, A. The banishment of their beloved and revered bishop overwhelmed the people of Hierapolis with grief
Colossae - ...
Colossae was one of three sister cities which received the gospel about the same time (Colossians 4:13), Laodicea lying about 10 miles farther down the Lycus valley, and facing Hierapolis, which was picturesquely seated on a plateau 6 miles to the north. But as Laodicea and Hierapolis grew in importance, Colossae waned, and in the beginning of the first century Strabo reckons it as no more than a πόλισμα (xii
Philip the Evangelist - This was due to their having the same name, to both having daughters, and to both having settled in later years in Asia Minor, possibly both at Hierapolis. And then tradition makes Philip the Evangelist settle not at Hierapolis but at Tralles (AS_, June 6)
Epaphras - (shortened probably from Epaphroditus, but not to be identified with the evangelist so named)...
Epaphras was a native or citizen of Colossae (Colossians 4:12), the founder, or at least an early and leading teacher of the Church there (Colossians 1:7, where καί, ‘also,’ is omitted in the oldest Manuscripts ), who had special relations with the neighbouring churches of Laodicea and Hierapolis (Colossians 4:13)
Papias - —There is no early evidence as to our Gospels comparable to that of Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, even in the fragmentary and obscure form in which it has reached us through the pages of Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica iii. ...
Hierapolis, Papias’ home in South Phrygia, was well within the province of Asia and near the main road to Ephesus from the East, while it actually lay on another road running N. for an expanded form of the Papian tradition as to Mark’s Gospel, with the additional remark that Clement’s account is confirmed by Papias of Hierapolis. In particular, one might cite the witness of Apollinaris, bishop of Papias’ own Hierapolis,* [Note: Thus he, unlike most others, does not need to describe Papias as ‘bishop of Hierapolis. ’ This comes out more clearly in Ignatius, for instance in the warning, ‘Keep your flesh as a temple of God,’ in his letter to Philadelphia, which lay less than 50 miles from Hierapolis, on the main road to the coast. …, even as Papias of Hierapolis, a dear disciple of John, has related in his five books. , also The Oracles ascribed to Matthew by Papias of Hierapolis (1894), and A
Caius, Ecclesiastical Writer - ...
In the short fragments preserved, Proclus defends the prophesyings of his sect by appealing to the four daughters of Philip, who with their father were buried at Hierapolis; Caius, on the other hand, offers to shew his antagonist at the Vatican and on the Appian Way the tombs of the apostles "who founded this church
Philip - It is said that after the departure of Jesus he laboured in Asia Minor and was buried at Hierapolis
Paulus, Bishop of Emesa - His moderation in these difficult and delicate negotiations was condemned by the uncompromising Alexander of Hierapolis as proceeding from a mean desire for reconciliation at the cost of the truth (Baluz
Abercius, Bishop of Hierapolis - of Hierapolis in Phrygia in the time of M. But no one shall place another in my tomb, but if so, he shall pay 2000 gold pieces to the Romans, and 1000 gold pieces to my excellent fatherland Hierapolis " (so Ramsay, vide Expositor , ix
Philip - ) represent him as travelling through Lydia and Asia, and finally settling in Hierapolis. Of the later connexion with Hierapolis already alluded to we have now interesting confirmation in the discovery of an inscription showing that the church there was dedicated to the memory ‘of the holy and glorious Apostle and theologian Philip’ (τοῦ ἀγίου κὲ ἑνδεξου ἀποστόλου κἑ θεολόγου Φιλίππου: see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i
Flavianus (16), Bishop of Antioch - of Hierapolis
Apolinaris, or Apolinarius Claudius - of Hierapolis, in Phrygia A
Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis - of Hierapolis in Phrygia (Eus. It is found several times at Hierapolis, not only in inscriptions (Boeckh, 3930, 3912 A, add. Eusebius tells that Philip the apostle (some suppose that he ought to have said Philip the deacon) came to reside at Hierapolis with his daughters; and that Papias, on the authority of these daughters, tells a story of Philip raising a man from the dead. Luke describes as prophesying at Caesarea in 58, and if they were young women then, they might have been still alive at Hierapolis between 100 and 110. , a note of whose on the Maries of the Gospel was published by Grabe among the fragments of Papias of Hierapolis and accepted as such until Lightfoot established the true authorship
Jacobus Sarugensis, Bishop of Batnae - Further, he began his episcopate under Justin, by whose orders Severus was driven from Antioch, Philoxenos from Hierapolis, and other heretics from Mesopotamia and Syria
Petrus, Surnamed Fullo - He at once resumed his career of violence, expelling orthodox bishops who refused to sign the Henoticon and performing uncanonical ordinations, especially that of the notorious Xenaias (Philoxenus) to the see of Hierapolis (Theophan
Joannes, Bishop of Antioch - Here, in his own patriarchate, he immediately held a council, together with Alexander of Hierapolis and the other deputies, at which he confirmed the deposition of Cyril and his brother-commissioners (Baluz, 840, 843, 847) Theodoret and the others engaged never to consent to the deposition of Nestorius. John summoned Alexander of Hierapolis, Andrew of Samosata, Theodoret, and probably others, to Antioch and held a conference to draw up terms of peace. Alexander of Hierapolis broke off communion with his patriarch John (Baluz. Proclus's influence was exerted in favour of peace, and so successfully that all the remonstrant bishops, except Alexander of Hierapolis and five others, ultimately accepted the concordat and retained their sees
Acacius, Bishop of Beroea - ...
Three letters are still extant out of the large number that he wrote, especially on the Nestorian controversy: two to Alexander of Hierapolis, Baluzius, Nov
Phrygia - Hierapolis was apparently once Lydian, and Laodicea Carian; but in the Roman period all the cities of the Lycus Valley were regarded as Phrygian
Victor, Bishop of Rome - He resolutely upholds the Asian tradition, supporting it by the authority of Philip the apostle, who, with his two aged virgin daughters, was buried at Hierapolis; of another saintly daughter of his who lay at Ephesus; of St
Mark - Clement gives this account in the sixth book of his Institutions; and Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, bears testimony to it
Apostolic Fathers - ...
Papias was a bishop of Hierapolis in Asia Minor who, according to Irenaeus his pupil, was a hearer of John, the disciple and a friend of Polycarp
Money - A coin of Domitian records rich Laodicea's restoration by its citizens after an earthquake which also destroyed Colessae and Hierapolis, which accounts for their omission in the addresses in Revelation
Laodicea - of Hierapolis
Philoxenus, a Monophysite Leader - of Hierapolis (Mabug) in place of the more orthodox Cyrus, c
Ibas, Bishop of Edessa - of Antioch, visiting Hierapolis for the enthronization of the new bp. Ibas, when starting for Hierapolis to pay his respects to Domnus, heard of the accusation, and at once summoned his clergy, pronounced excommunication on Cyrus and Eulogius as calumniators, threatened the same treatment to all who participated in their proceedings
John (the Apostle) - Polycrates now follows with his testimony that among those who had died in Asia was ‘Philip, one of the Twelve Apostles, who sleeps in Hierapolis, and his two virgin daughters and another daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit and now rests at Ephesus’ (Historia Ecclesiastica iii. If this comes in at all, it appears in a statement of Proclus, who, speaking of the death of Philip and his daughters, says: ‘After this arose four prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, at Hierapolis in Asia. ), which reads, ‘Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, declares in the second book of the Oracles of the Lord that John was put to death by the Jews
Colossians - Hierapolis and Laodicea were situated only a few miles away
Theodoretus, Bishop of Cyrrhus - At that gathering Theodoret, accompanying his metropolitan, Alexander of Hierapolis, was among the earlier comers, anticipating the Oriental brethren, whose arrival he, with 68 bishops, vainly urged should be waited for before the council opened (Baluz. 104–109), and a letter of his to Alexander of Hierapolis, whom he was representing, informing him how matters were going on at Chalcedon, telling him of the popularity of the deputies with the people, who, in spite of the hostility of the clergy and monks by whom they had been repeatedly stoned, flocked to hear them, assembling in a large court surrounded with porticos, the churches being closed against them; but Theodoret laments their ill-success with the emperor. ), the Orientals were divided into two great parties: the peace-seeking majority, with John of Antioch and the venerable Acacius at their head, ready to meet Cyril half-way; the violent party of irreconcilables, with Alexander of Hierapolis as their leader, opposed to all reconciliation as treason to the truth; while a third or middle party was led by Theodoret and Andrew of Samosata, anxious for peace, but on terms of their own
Eusebius, Bishop of Samosata - Notwithstanding the apparently non-canonical character of the proceeding, Eusebius ordained numerous bishops on his way from Thrace to the Euphrates, including Acacius at Beroea, Theodotus at Hierapolis, Isidore at Cyrus, and Eulogius at Edessa
Peter - According to the ancient and credible testimony of Papias of Hierapolis, a hearer of St
Prayer - ...
The epitaph of Abercius (Avircius Marcellus), who was bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia Salutaris c
Ephesians, Book of - As the epistle was read in the churches, the public reader would insert the name of that church; such as, at Laodicea, at Hierapolis, at Colosse, etc
Dionysius, Pseudo-Areopagita - The seventh is a much longer letter addressed to Polycarp in which he bids him answer the taunts of the Sophist Apollophanes by recalling the days when he and Dionysius were fellow-students at Hierapolis and his own remark when they beheld the darkness of the Crucifixion: ταῦτα ὦ καλὲ Διονύσιε θείων ἀμοιβαὶ πραγμάτων
Peter, the Epistles of - The churches of Laodicea were Hierapolis and Colesse (having as members Philemon and Onesimus, and leaders Archippus and Epaphras)
Acts of the Apostles - This was based on an earlier Syriac text, made in 506 by Polycarp for Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabug (Hierapolis, the modern Membij on the Euphrates), which is no longer extant for Acts
Revelation of John, the - ...
Papias, John's hearer and Polycarp's associate and bishop of Hierapolis near Laodicea (one of the seven churches), attests its canonicity and inspiration (according to a scholium of Andreas of Cappadocia)
Trade And Commerce - The best known case is that of a merchant Flavius Zeuxis of Hierapolis in Phrygia, an inland city, be it observed, who voyaged from Asia to Rome seventy-two times (CIG [Note: IG Corpus Inscrip
Brethren of the Lord (2) - —...
The Hieronymian view is to be rejected, partly because the arguments in its favour, though ingenious, are inconclusive and often far-fetched; partly because no trace of it is to be found before the time of Jerome, who apparently invented it;* [Note: Papias of Hierapolis (a
James And John, the Sons of Zebedee - The real difficulty is to account for the growth of a different tradition at Ephesus, if the tradition of John’s martyrdom was known at Hierapolis in Papias’ time
Aristion (Aristo) - 39), Papias of Hierapolis in his five books of Interpretations (var
Galatia - And just as he includes the Phrygian churches of the Lycus valley-Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis (Colossians 1:2; Colossians 2:1)-the Church of Troas (Acts 20:6-12), and the Churches of the Apocalypse (Revelation 1:11), in the province of ‘Asia,’ so he reckons the Churches founded by St
Manuscripts - of Hierapolis (Mabog) in the early 6th century
Colossians, Epistle to the - Colossae was at this time a small town of declining importance, overshadowed by Its great neighbours, Laodicea and Hierapolis, some 10 miles down-stream
Trade And Commerce - The best known case is that of a merchant Flavius Zeuxis of Hierapolis in Phrygia, an inland city, be it observed, who voyaged from Asia to Rome seventy-two times (CIG [Note: IG Corpus Inscrip
New Testament - ...
(2) The Harclean, a later Syriac version by Polycarp, suffragan to Philoxenus, bishop of Hierapolis, 508; White published it as "the Philoxenian
Christ in Art - ’ This double symbolism is tersely expressed in the 2nd cent, inscription of Abercius recently discovered by Ramsay at Hierapolis:—‘… everywhere was faith my guide, and gave me everywhere for food the Ichthus from the spring
Montanus - Their case was stated by one of their most eminent bishops, Claudius Apolinarius of Hierapolis
John, Gospel of (Critical) - The Apostolic Fathers...
(1) Papias was bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia
Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch - Ignatius did not, as was usual, pass through Magnesia and Ephesus, but left the great road at Sardis and came by Laodicea, Hierapolis, Philadelphia, and perhaps Colossae, as he had certainly visited Philadelphia and met there the false teachers from Ephesus (Zahn, 258 seq
Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons - Papias of Hierapolis must certainly be included
Nestorius And Nestorianism - Nestorius was banished to a convent just outside the gates of Antioch, and Meletius of Mopsuestia, Alexander of Hierapolis, and Helladius of Tarsus, strong supporters of the school of Theodore, were involved in the fate of Nestorius